Saturday, 29 April 2017

The Shona and the mysteries associated with death and life after death

Do the Shona have answers to the mysteries associated with  death and life after death? 

 Introduction
 The Shona, a bantu ethnic group found largely in Zimbabwe, have interesting beliefs and practises related to death.  The Shona death related beliefs and practices, constitute an important part of their religious and philosophical heritage and they  are a repository of Shona ideas about  death and life after death.

Material in this article is a result of many years of investigation among the Shona which was conducted for academic purposes. The study employed the phenomelogical method to gather data. The phenomenological method accepts that reality is in essence subjective and that therefore human beings are capable of giving meaning to their own existence. The approach was therefore appropriate in this study because the aim was to discover the Shona understanding of the concept of death and life after death.              



 The concept that death and birth are similar process

Among the Shona, it is strictly prohibited to bury the deceased during midday (masikati).  According to the Shona , no one should be buried during midday as people are not normally born and do not die during midday.  My informants saw a  link between birth and death and even explained that a person dies the time when he /she was born!  They told me that if someone knew the time  of the day when he or she was born, then he or she would know the time when he was going to die.  The general view seems to be that people are born and die when it is cool.  According to my  informants , during midday, it is normally hot and spirits will be resting and therefore it is also a bad time for the deceased’s spirit to start on a journey.  The Shona said it was not normal for  people to die during midday. They said those who during midday died because of angry spirits such as ngozi (the avenging spirit) otherwise people normally die before or after midday.  A small scale survey conducted by the researcher indicated that the majority of people interviewed confirmed that their children were not born during midday and also that their relatives had died before or after midday!  Of interest was the case of a person who said that her relative had died at one o’clock. It is important to note that the burial taboo related to death is still being strictly observed even by the modern day Shona. Even in urban areas burials do not normally take place between 1 and 2 in the afternoon.The following subtheme further illustrates the Shona  philosophical thinking that death and birth are similar processes.

The belief that the act of dying can be delayed
According to Shona  belief, it is taboo to deny a critically ill person whatever he or she wants for  he or she will take long to die.  The Shona  believe that someone might not die until someone close to his heart and is far away comes to see him.  In most cases the dying person would be willing to say his last words to one or all of his relatives.  I was informed of one instance when a dying person asked for his son-in-law to be send for.  Apparently the son-in-law was close to his heart but was geographically far away.  It took almost a whole day for the in-law to arrive.  As soon as he arrived, the dying father-in-law requested that everybody except the son-in law leave the room.  He spent a few minutes with the son -in-law and then peacefully died.  In another instance, a critically ill patient at a hospital in Masvingo town asked his close relatives in rural areas to come and see him.  The relatives arrived after about three hours.  He spent ten minutes with them and died.  There were many stories I was told by the Shona  about people who delayed dying until their wish was fulfilled.  Bullock(1927) observed this Shona belief in death as an entity which can be controlled:
Relatives come from far and near to the sick man; and when death is imminent they will beseech him not to die before sunset…..

The Shona have a strong belief that an ill person reaches a stage when he knows he will not recover but will certainly die.  It is said during that stage the ill person will be close to the world of spirits and will avoid looking directly into the eyes of the living.  It is believed some ill people at his stage even speak words or even behave in a manner which suggests that they are going to die.  This Shona belief is also noted by Bullock(1927) who wrote:

There is a belief that, when a man is dying he sees in a vision of the spirits of his dead relatives.  Some of them take him by hand, and try to lead him away from life.  Others strive with these, and his death or recovery is dependent on the result of the struggle.

Thus according to this Shona philosophical thought, death can be delayed by the spirit world.

The Shona also believe that magic can cause an ill person to delay dying.  Some people are said to use magic which can make them live longer and this type of magic has the negative effect of prolonging the dying process.  It is said some people eat the heart of a tortoise or use the fat of a python to strengthen themselves (kuzvisimbisa).  People who use such magic die a slow and painful death.  The heart of the tortoise or python is said to take long to stop beating after the creature has been killed. Similarly, a person who used magic from these creatures will have his heart continue to beat when the rest of the body is incapacitated.  As one informant said:  Munhu anosvika pakunhuwa mwoyo uchingotakwaira. (The terminally ill  person will produce a bad smell but the heart will continue to beat).  In such situations, the Shona  would perform a ritual to expedite the death process.  They would burn the fat of the tortoise or the fat and skin of a python so that he could die. (Vaipisa mafuta ekamba kana mafuta neganda zveshato kuti murwere aende.) There is also an interesting Shona belief that some people set up a magical trap called riva  in order to prolong their lives. Such people can only die when the medical trap is made to fall. Thus traditionally, the Shona  practiced euthanasia.  

It is interesting to note that the metaphysical belief that death can be delayed is similar to the Shona belief that the birth process can be delayed.  A pregnant woman must not be denied food she enjoys eating most as she will experience difficulty during pregnancy as the baby delays to come out of the womb.  She is prohibited from bidding farewell to someone close to her heart if the person is going away as the baby will delay to come out or might not come out until the person close to her heart returns.  (Haafanire kuonekana nemunhu waanofarira chaizvo  kana munhu wacho achienda kure nokuti anozonetseka pakuzvara kana kuti haazvari kusvika munhu wacho adzoka).  There are many more pregnancy taboos which seem to have been meant to avoid the delaying of the delivery process.  The two processes, birth and death are associated with entering into other worlds: birth leads into the world of the visible while death leads into the world of the invisible.  They are both associated with death and rebirth.  Wanjohi (1997) commented on this traditional African belief thus:
Being born must therefore be thought of in terms of the category of passage.  To come here is to leave the beyond, it is to be in transit, to change one’s state. Being born here means dying up there and at the end of life, the opposite is true: to die here is to be born up there.

In other words , African (the Shona  included ) metaphysics sees birth and death as closely related processes.  It is important to note that the Shona see a close link between an unborn baby and newly born baby with the world of spirits.  Similarly, the Shona revered old people as being closer to the world of spirits by virtue of their age.  An unborn baby and a newly born baby are believed to discover hidden knowledge and reveal it in the same way as spirits assist diviners to discover hidden knowledge.  Thus baby hood and old age are associated by the traditional Shona to closeness to the world of spirits.  As Wanjohi explains:
Childhood, like old age , constitutes an intermediary or transitory stage, a period of progress.  While the child tries to free himself from the control of the other world, the old man prepares himself to return there…

Thus the newly born baby and old people have something in common: they are both about to enter into new worlds.  The exit door from one world is the entry door into another world.

The concept of  death as a mystical danger
According to Shona belief, when a person dies, a ritual must be conducted to inform his  relatives of the death so that they will not encounter misfortunes (kana munhu afa, hama dzinofanira kuti dziziviswe kuitira kuti dzisasangana namashura). Death is believed to bring about mystical danger to the relatives of the deceased.  The ritual of informing the relatives is meant to protect the relatives of the deceased against mystical danger.  All relatives are ritually informed about the death either by word of mouth or by some ritual act.  One such ritual    act involves throwing millet seeds into the fire while names of the deceased relatives who are far away are being mentioned and the death message put across.  It is believed by the Shona that relatives of the deceased who have not yet received the bad news of the death will encounter bad omens or some misfortunes which will be a sign that something is wrong in the family.  This might be in the form of an attack (verbal or physical) for no apparent reason; seeing a green branch falling off a tree or a plate braking while you hold it.

The concept of death as a concrete reality
It can be inferred from the Shona taboos that the Shona seem to see death as a concrete entity.  They appear to view it as something which actually exits and can be invited by human actions.  It is strictly prohibited to sit while holding one’s cheek as this symbolizes someone in mourning and is likely to bring about death.  When someone is seriously ill relatives should not cry as this is likely to cause his death.  It is forbidden to carry two stones or logs to be used for burial as this is believed to cause more deaths. According to my informants, the Shona say you have planted death in the family. (Unonzi wadzvara rufu). Next time when death strikes , people will die in twos or more. One informant said: Munenge muchishura gumwe rufu.  (Your behaviour is likely to result in another death.)  Any action appropriate at a funeral is discouraged during normal times.  To the Shona, death exists and is to be feared in the same way bacteria and virus exist and are feared in a scientific worlds.  That death is an entity which exists is shown by the following Shona proverbs:

 Rufu runoita wegondo, rinotora nhiyo ruchisiya mai vachichema (Death is like an eagle which takes a chick leaving the mother hen mourning)

Rufu haruna ndanatsa (Death does not care you are a good man)

Rufu runodana (Death calls)

Rufu haruna ishe (Death knows no chief)

Further evidence that the Shona viewed death as concrete was obtained from some informants who said: Chitunha hachibudiswi nepamukova asi nepaburi rinenge ragadzirwa kuitira kuti rufu rusapinda mumba. (The body of the deceased is carried out of the hut not through the door but an opening made in the wall for the purpose of taking out the body. This is done to prevent death from striking again.)This old burial practice is no longer being observed by the Shona  due to westernization.
  
Belief in a deceased's  shadow (mumvuri)
The Shona have an interesting belief about the shadow of a deceased person. According to Shona belief, if a shadow is seen in the hut where the deceased is lying in state, burial of the deceased should not take place until the shadow disappears lest the deceased’s spirit comes back to trouble the living. This taboo points to the Shona  belief in a soul which can manifest itself in the form of a shadow (mvuri) My Shona informants differed on the concept of mvuri. Some insisted the shadow is black and that when a person dies the shadow disappears. In other words, so they argued, a corpse has no shadow .  Some even argued that a coffin with a deceased person does not cast any shadow!  Other informants however argued  that a corpse has a shadow but the deceased may show his displeasure by projecting his shadow in the wrong place.  They said such a shadow might be seen on the wall of the hut or room where the deceased is lying in state.  Still some of any Shona informants said that a person has two shadows- a white shadow and a black shadow.  The black shadow is the one which is the one which is seen every day; the white shadow is not normally visible and is the one which becomes an ancestral spirit (mudzimu).  The white shadow is supposed to disappear soon after someone’s death.  If the white shadow does not disappear and instead appears on the wall of the hut where deceased is lying in state , it will be a sign that the deceased is restless and wants something done.  It is important to note however that all Shona do believe in a shadow (mvuri) which can appear if the deceased is unhappy with something.  It seems the mvuri , represents the Shona concept of a soul.  This seems to indicate that the Shona believe that a person consists of two separable entities, a soul and a body.

The spirit of the deceased is powerful; and has human feelings.
According to Shona belief, the deceased’s spirit continues to have humanlike emotions such as anger and thirst. The Shona believe the restlessness and anger of the spirit can cause misfortune among the living. Taboos meant to show respect of the deceased’s body show evidence of Shona  belief in the anger of the spirit.

Among the Shona, it is taboo to spit even if the body is giving a bad smell. Spitting because of the deceased bad smell is seen as a sign of contempt, hatred and dislike for the deceased and this action is believed to invite the wrath of the deceased spirit. In addition, it is forbidden to refuse to eat the food prepared at a funeral , no matter how badly cooked it is at this  will make the spirit of the deceased unhappy and restless. The Karanga say ,” Zvinodyiwa parufu hazvirambwi nokuti unenge wadadira rufu”. (Refusal to eat food prepared at a funeral is interpreted by the Karanga to be a sign of arrogance during the funeral.) The Shona  believe the spirit of the deceased is restless, angry and dangerous. Thus they try as much as possible through ritual and taboo to cool the deceased’s spirit.

Bourdillon’s (1976: 204-205) gave an analysis of the concept of cooling the spirit among the Shona:  “At death, a new spirit with its appropriate superior powers enters the conceptual world of the community. Nobody knows quite how the spirit will react to its new environment nor what secret, grudge the deceased might have harboured before his death, which explains the necessity of keeping the spirit “cool” and of discouraging it from returning to the homestead. In the Shona idiom, as in English, the concept of ‘coolness’ carries overtones of calm, placid peacefulness; the opposite of “cool “is hot, much as the concept is used in the English expression,’ hot tempered…..”.

They believe the shungu (anger) of the deceased’s spirit soon after death can be calmed through ritual. To discourage the deceased from’ stabbing’ (kubaya) or harming the living two seeds called masoso are placed in the ground one above the head and one below the feet of the deceased’s body. Grass from watery places as well as the water-lilly is placed in the grave to cool the spirit. Soon after burial, the new grave is springled with water as a way of cooling off the spirit. To calm the deceased’s anger, the consanguine must sacrifice a goat known as mbudzi  yeshungu (the goat of anger). The meat of the goat of anger is not allowed to be boiled as it is believed the deceased’s anger will increase as the heat in boiling water increases. All meat of the goat of anger must be consumed on the same day and all the bones burnt so that nothing remains of the goat of anger. This is meant to ensure that all the anger of the deceased spirit is get rid of and that he does not continue to harbor any ill feelings against the living.

The Shona believe that soon after death, the deceased spirit inhabits a dry land after death and is therefore bound to feel thirsty. Thus the ritual beer to quench his thirst is called doro renyota (beer of the thirst) or doro remvura (beer of water). The ritual of the doro renyota is conducted before the deceased spirit is accommodated in the family through the kugadzira or home bringing of the deceased ceremony. It seems therefore the ritual doro renyota is mearnt to symbolically cool off the spirit which is lonely and restless.

In addition, the Shona fear the deceased’s spirit because they believe it has acquired extra powers which it can use to influence the living, at times causing misfortunes. My Shona informants told me that the deceased can cause unusual and mysterious happenings such as causing bees to sting people at a funeral, giving a bad smell, increasing the weight of the body in the coffin such that no one can lift it and at times making the body expand such that it cannot fit through the door or in the grave. If the deceased had indicated his wish of where to be buried, it becomes taboo to bury him at any other place other than the one he has chosen .According to Shona belief, if the wish of the deceased is not considered, the deceased will make it difficult to transport his body or to dig  his grave.  If the deceased had indicated his wish to be buried in the rural areas and not in town , ignoring his wish might result in the car meant to ferry him from the mortuary to a town cemetery refusing to start.  Ignoring the site of the grave chosen by the deceased is believed to result in grave diggers encountering problems such as rocks, roots or water seeping  into the grave.  Thus death is believed to empower the deceased who becomes more powerful than the living. 

The concept of the impurity and contagion of death
Shona death rituals and taboos suggest that the Shona believe that death has aspects of impurity and contagion.  The hut where the deceased lay in state before burial must be swept and the dirt as well as the water used to wash the body of the deceased must be thrown into the grave as they are associated with death.  Those who come in contact with the deceased as well as the soil from the grave should cleanse themselves with water mixed with a herb called zumbani in order to prevent death.  Those who dig the grave and bury the deceased must wash their faces, hands and feet by the grave side to ensure that all the dust and soil from the grave are not carried home as this would be the same as inviting death.  It is also strictly forbidden for relatives of the deceased to come into contact with the deceased’s property without first deeping hands in medicated water.  If a blood relative of the deceased comes in contact with the deceased’s property before the ritual, he or she will suffer from leprosy.  It  appears according to Shona  belief , the mystical danger associated with the  corpse is contagious.  Death is a pollutant which makes people ritually unclean or exposes them to danger.

Saturday, 2 April 2016

The Shona experiences related to mermaids and mermen-njuzu



 My research on Shona beliefs and myths related to mermaids has indicated interesting facts about the possible origins of mermaids. The Shona refer to mermaids and maermen as njuzu. The details about the Shona beliefs and myths are found in my book entitiled: Mermaids and Mermen-njuzu Beliefs and Myths Among the Shona

Shona myths indicate that the Shona have their own ideas concerning the origins of mermaids and mermen. However, it is difficult to tell the exact origin of njuzu from the Shona perspective as the Shona have different versions about the origin of njuzu. This chapter, therefore, explains the different Shona myths on the origins of mermaids in Zimbabwe.

1.1 Njuzu as God’s creatures.

Some Shona people maintain that njuzu were created by God just like any other creature. According to this belief God created njuzu together with other aquatic creatures (zvisikwa zvemumvura) and human beings on earth (vanhu varipanyika) and those beings below the earth (varipasi). Aschwanden (1989) records the same concept among the Karanga.  The Shona thus regard njuzu creatures as part of the underworld beings, varipasi.  Some Shona say njuzu is God’s creature which can work closely with either ancestral spirits or alien spirits. (Chisikwa chaMwari chinoshanda nemidzimu nemashavi). It is interesting to note that most of the mediums of the njuzu spirits will also play host to different types of spirits such as ancestral spirits (midzimu) and alien spirits (mashavi). According to Gumbo (1995), one njuzu spirit medium in Gutu district, Lydia Chabata, played host to three types of spirits: an ancestral spirit, a jukwa spirit called Hlatshwayo and a njuzu spirit named Seri. Thus, according to one Shona belief, njuzu’s origin can be said to be the result of God’s creative act.

1.2 Njuzu as of human origin.

The other view indicates that njuzu has human origins. According to Sr Mary Acquina there is a Karanga belief that spirits of babies buried in water and unmarried people turn into njuzu. She wrote:
When young children and young persons die, the Karanga believe that only their little shadow survives, but it is not yet evil. The shadow is believed to turn into a madzimudzangara, a spirit of the pools, for it is believed that at the bottom of deep pools there is a spirit-world. The spirit world is a reflection of the world of the living, just as the water of the pools reflects their surroundings. People believe that at the bottom of the pool there are villages, people and cows, and that on quiet days sounds from this spirit world reach the world of the living (Acquina,1973: 52)
The above quotation, based on Sr Acquina’s observations among the Shona people, suggests that the Shona believe in spiritual beings of the underworld.  This Shona belief in life in the underworld is based on another belief that spirits of deceased humans undergo some metamorphosis before they reside in the underworld waters.
 Aschwanden recorded a similar myth among the Karanga of Masvingo province. According to Aschwanden (1989), in the past when there was a severe and persistent drought, the Karanga would perform a ritual where a baby in its sling would be left by a pool or a cave with water as a way of requesting rainfall. If njuzu took the child, the people would know that their request had been granted. The child offered was believed to be transformed into a njuzu. This myth confirms the Shona belief that njuzu has human origins.
According to some Shona informants in the district of Mberengwa, the mbonga or female Mwari functionaries who die while serving at Mwari’s shrines, for example those found at the Matopos shrines, are functionaries and are associated with the Shona God of the Matopo hills. The mbonga are regarded as pure since they did not engage in sexual intercourse during their life time. Thus some Shona see the origin of njuzu as linked to humans who are pure. The Shona of Mberengwa districts therefore associate njuzu with the purity and sacredness of the mbonga and Mwari or God of the Matopo hills.
The Shona belief that njuzu originate from pure humans was also noted by some informants I consulted. The informants said   that njuzu originate from people who die young, before they get married (vanhu vanofa dzichimhandara kana achimajaya). This belief also links njuzu with sexual purity which is an important aspect of Shona religious beliefs. Young girls, in particular, are regarded as pure and therefore play important roles during preparations for important rituals such as mukwerera (ritual to petition for rain). The Shona therefore see the origin of njuzu as being linked to people who are sexually pure.   
The Greeks have a legend that resonates with the Shona myths on the human origin of mermaids. According to the Greek legend, Alexander the Great’s sister, whose habitat is the Aegean Sea, is said to have turned into a mermaid after her death (http://www.seaofserenitycomic.tumblr.com). This myth shows that the belief of the human origins of mermaids is not perculiar to the Shona.
The Shona belief that the spirits of deceased humans transform into njuzu seem to find support in another Shona belief that human spirits can appear in the form of certain wildlife creatures.  In the Shona belief system, the spirits of deceased human beings can transform into lions, baboons, snakes or birds. It is therefore possible that some human spirits can choose to become aquatic creatures such as njuzu. This Shona belief suggests that human spirits undergo some evolutionary process whereby some human spirits choose to identify themselves with aquatic creatures such as njuzu while others identify themselves with land animals or birds. Thus, njuzu is believed to be a result of this evolutionary process.
The belief that some human beings were transformed into njuzu finds support in Shona legends. The Shona of Honde valleys in Manicaland   believe that a njuzu inhabiting the famous Chirikuutsi pools is of human origin (Chinodakufa, 1996). According to this Shona legend, a traditional healer called Chirikuutsi disappeared into the pools with his family and possessions a long time ago.  According to those who stay close to the pools, there is evidence that there is life in the pool, a life which closely resembles the life of human beings living on earth. It is said that sounds of people talking, singing and laughing as well as sounds of livestock such as sheep, goats and also dogs are heard each year just before the start of the rainy season.
The story of Chirikuutsi is similar to other Shona stories about people believed to have disappeared into pools (Edwards, 1928). A woman called Nyamhita together with a baby and a female slave is believed to have disappeared into a pool which became sacred and came to be called Nyamhita’s pool. This is also said to have happened in another story in which Nemarongwe and his people, with their flocks and herds vanished into a pool which they made their home. The pool came to be called the Nemarongwe pool.  Again, it is said that sounds such as the beating of drums, the crowing of cocks and the bleating of goats is heard on a quiet day.
 In yet another legend recorded by Bourdillon (1978), the renowned sociologist, a man called Karuva took his wives, children and livestock and descended into a pool close to his home.The pool is regarded by the Shona as sacred and is said never to run dry even in times of severe droughts.  This confirms that the Shona beliefs in njuzu are widespread.
The Shona people are not the only ethnic group who boast of myths about people who made their home within the spaces below a water body. The Lamba of the Zambian Copperbelt have such a myth. Siegel (2000: 8) wrote:
Some of the awe attached to Lake Kashiba is revealed in its full name: either Kashiba ka Bena Mbushi (Lake of the Goat clan) or kashiba ka Bena Mofya (Lake of the Entangled Ones). Both of these refer to the Lamba myth of Chief Chipimpi, and how his Goat Clan became so upset with their first chief’s murder and the loss of their chiefship that they went off to Lake Kashiba, tied themselves together with bark rope, and plunged into the lake. The floating mats, baskets, and pots are often taken as evidence that the Goat Clan now occupies a village at the bottom of the lake. Thus a Lamba( and Seventh Day Adventist elder) informant told me how Europeans with a diving suit once came to sound Lake Kashiba, that they found the lower waters very warm, and that they heard voices coming from the light and warmth down below.
The above myth shows that the Lamba believe that there are people who stay under water bodies. Thus the Lamba of Zambia like the Shona, believe some humans opted to live in the underworld. It can be inferred from these myths that mermaids could be of human origin.
According to some Shona informants, people who are captured by njuzu are transformed into fish. The informants explained that the captured person acquires the characteristics of fish such as eating mud and jumping out of water like a fish.  This belief suggests that the captured person is transformed into an aquatic creature.
Some myths have traced the origin of man to water.  One Shona creation myth suggests that the origin of humankind’s ancestor was in the pool. Frobenius cited in Bucher (1980: 72) recorded the following Shona creation myth:
Mwari made Mwedzi (Moon) at the bottom of a pool (dziva) and gave him a medicine-horn(ngona).In spite of Mwari’s warning that he would be sorry for it,Mwedzi wanted to go on to the dry land which was barren and lifeless. Upon Mwedzi’s bitter complaints, Mwari gave him a girl, Massassi (Morning Star), who was to be his wife for two years.The girl was given fire-making tools. The two spent anight in a cave, where they kindled a fire and lay down on either side of it. Mwedzi dipped his finger into the medicine-horn and touched Massassi’s body with its contents. As a result, Massassi gave birth to grass, bushes and trees. The trees grew until they reached the sky, whereupon it started to rain. Mwedzi and Massassi now lived in plenty, but after the stipulated time was over, Massassi had to return to the pool. Mwari however, gave Morongo (Evening Star) to Mwedzi, who again was to be his wife for two years. Each night the two anointed themselves with the contents of Mwedzi’s medicine-horn and in the morning Morongo gave birth to all kinds of animals. Eventually she bore also boys and girls. These had grown up when evening came. When Mwedzi wanted to continue to sleep with Morongo she said to him: “Look, your daughters are grown up. Sleep with them.” He did as she had told him and he became king (Mambo) of a great people.
Morongo now slept with the snake that had its lair under her bed and she no longer bore children. One day Mwedzi came to sleep with Morongo against her will and was bitten by the snake. He fell ill and the next day it did not rain.A terrible drought ensued and Mwedzi’s children consulted their divining bones in order to find out what they should do. They were told to send the ailing king with Morongo. They chose another man to be their king.
Similar myths which link the orgin of humankind with water or marshes are found in other Bantu ethnic groups of southern Africa (Mbiti, 1975). Anaximander, A Greek philosopher, was of the view that the origin of humankind could be traced to fishlike aquatic beings (http://www.brittanica.com). Could the idea of mermaids be an indicator that man originated from water and that njuzu are therefore aquatic humanoids with the same origins as man?
It should be clear now that according to the Shona, humans who have been captured by njuzu can be transformed into njuzu. This transformation normally happens to those who have stayed with a njuzu for a long period. These Shona beliefs are revealed in a recent story reported in the Kwayedza newspaper of 13 June 2014, a newspaper renowned for its efforts to maintain Zimbabwean and African culture. According to the newspaper report, Tateguru Artwell Nyachowe, a spirit medium who was leading during the ritual to secure the release of a njuzu captive called Takesure Nyamande informed the ritual participants that Takesure was uwilling to come back. The medium indicated that Takesure was now a njuzu and could therefore not come back from njuzuland. Takesure, an employee of the Parks and Wildlife Management Authority, is said to have been captured by njuzu   in the Zambezi River in 2007 while on duty. Another Shona traditional healer explained that those who are captured and have been in the custody of njuzu are transformed physically and psychologically. The physical change will be in the aspect of complexion where somebody becomes light-skinned. The Shona say that the development of a light skin is a result of the coolness of njuzu’s habitat. Another noticeable change is of a physical feature like a reed (shanga) that grows on the body of the new njuzu. According to another informant, the njuzu captive who has stayed with njuzu for a long time grows long hair which reaches his or her angles (Bvudzi rake rinoreba kusvika mumabvi). This transformation of a njuzu captive seems to suggest that the underworld of njuzu creatures is a place of mysterious and rapid evolution. It is also probable that njuzu creatures know how to manipulate the law of evolution.
The idea that certain beings are transformed into mermaids is also found in myths of other cultural groups. The Syrian moon-goddess, Atargatis, is reported to have changed into a mermaid while she was in a lake (http://www.gods-and-monsters.com/mermaid-mythology. html). This suggests that spirit beings are believed to be capable of assuming the mermaid image.
The Shona recognise a close link between njuzu and ancestral spirits. Some say njuzu are ancestral spirits which dwell in water habitats of a particular geographical area (mweya yamadzinza inogara panzvimbo). According to this view, njuzu’s origins are linked to certain totemic groups and clans. The Shona say people of a given totemic group know what to do when njuzu related to their totem has been offended. It can be inferred from the above Shona belief that spirits of particular clans evolve into njuzu.  
Aschwanden ( 1989) also recorded that some Karanga believe that spirits of the dead might take abode in water until the ritual to bring back the spirit of the deceased (kurova guva) is held.Such spirits become close allies of njuzu which might continue to work with njuzu after the kurova guva ritual. Thus, the Shona see a close link between njuzu and ancestral spirits.
Some Shona say njuzu is a creature which is used by ancestors because of its superior knowledge and strength. Spirit mediums of njuzu spirits are normally mediums of ancestral spirits. According to one informant, the family ancestor might at times deem it necessary to seek the support of the njuzu in order to fight against powerful evil forces threatening the family. It is said by the Shona that no alien spirit can possess an individual without the consent of the individual’s ancestors. Njuzu, the Shona say, only captures or possesses individuals after being granted permission by that individual’s ancestral spirits. Njuzu spirit mediums such as Lydia Chabata and Salani were also mediums of ancestral spirits (Aschwanden, 1989). According to some Shona informants, njuzu captures people from particular families and it therefore looks for a medium in every successive generation of that family. It becomes a generational alien spirit (shavi re njuzu nderedzinza). According to the Shona therefore, there is a close link between njuzu and the ancestors.
Other Shona believe that njuzu can originate from people who drown in pools or rivers.These are people who either drown accidentally or those who are deliberately drowned by their enemies. Such people‘s spirits become water spirits which are associated with certain pools or rivers. According to this view, spirits of those who drown become attached to rivers or pools and cause mysterious incidents.
The  Shona also believe that the flooding of graves by the waters of newly constructed dams such as Siya, Manjirenji and Mutirikwi dams in Masvingo province, dams which were built to supply water to the lowveld sugarcane fields resulted in the spirits of the deceased buried in those graves appearing in the form of njuzu.